| A multi-modality approach to prostitution
| |
| | funding above that typically directed at
|
| control, when combined with public and
| |
| | the problem. Departments and
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| private support, offers the best chance
| |
| | municipalities will of necessity need to
|
| to accomplish the legitimate social end
| |
| | seek additional traditional and
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| of controlling prostitution. Discussions
| |
| | non-traditional funding sources for these
|
| with interviewed personnel and a review
| |
| | efforts, including public grants as well
|
| of the relevant literature suggested a
| |
| | as public-private partnerships.
|
| number of distinctions that are helpful
| |
| | A particularly weighty objection to
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| in articulating the features of this type
| |
| | typical attempts to control prostitution
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| of approach. A fundamental distinction is
| |
| | arises in the context of research into
|
| made between enforcement strategies and
| |
| | the effectiveness of crime control
|
| abatement strategies. Enforcement
| |
| | strategies. As the analysis of the
|
| strategies are those that focus
| |
| | department survey revealed, many
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| department and municipality control
| |
| | departments confine their prostitution
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| efforts on enforcing existing laws
| |
| | control efforts to those strategies
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| forbidding prostitution and related
| |
| | traditionally associated with the
|
| activities. Abatement strategies, on the
| |
| | "Professional Model" of policing.
|
| other hand, are those that focus control
| |
| | Unfortunately, these strategies are given
|
| efforts on preventing or interrupting the
| |
| | mixed reviews by current crime control
|
| commission of the offenses by reducing or
| |
| | effectiveness research (Moore 1992:
|
| removing the precipitating conditions
| |
| | 128ff.). Sherman’s exhaustive survey of
|
| necessary for their commission. A related
| |
| | crime control strategies (Sherman, et al.
|
| distinction is drawn between reactive and
| |
| | 1997) finds little evidence for the
|
| proactive control efforts.21 While by
| |
| | effectiveness of rapid 911 responses,
|
| definition enforcement strategies,
| |
| | random patrolling, or primarily reactive
|
| predicated as they are on the commission
| |
| | patterns of law enforcement. The
|
| of an offense, are reactive, abatement
| |
| | currently popular trend toward community
|
| strategies can be either reactive or
| |
| | policing fares little better. When
|
| proactive in nature. A third distinction
| |
| | inadequately or poorly implemented, this
|
| highlights the specific nature of the
| |
| | approach replicates the weaknesses of the
|
| offender’s relationship to the offense.
| |
| | "Professional Model" (Bennett 1998: 391).
|
| Thus, while many of the strategies
| |
| | To the extent that prostitution control
|
| discussed below can be applied with equal
| |
| | efforts are dominated by these sorts of
|
| success to prostitutes, clients or
| |
| | approaches, a healthy skepticism of their
|
| facilitators, abatement strategies
| |
| | effectiveness seems appropriate. Happily,
|
| frequently require specification by type
| |
| | research on crime control strategies
|
| of offender.
| |
| | attests to the effectiveness of other
|
| Though the case for the energetic
| |
| | relatively common types of enforcement
|
| implementation of prostitution control
| |
| | and abatement efforts. Directed patrols,
|
| efforts may seem obviously justified,
| |
| | proactive enforcement arrests, targeting
|
| there are important practical objections
| |
| | of known criminogenic locations, and
|
| to the expenditure of the political,
| |
| | related "problem-oriented" policing
|
| social, and material resources necessary
| |
| | strategies have shown substantial
|
| to implement such efforts.22 Before
| |
| | evidence of crime prevention (Sherman
|
| turning to an examination of proposed
| |
| | 1992, Moore 1992).
|
| enforcement and abatement strategies,
| |
| | While as noted above, little of this
|
| these objections must be considered.
| |
| | research has explicitly considered the
|
| A common objection to an increased focus
| |
| | issues surrounding prostitution control,
|
| on prostitution control points to the
| |
| | the general effectiveness of currently
|
| perceptions of the relative lack of
| |
| | available and utilized control mechanisms
|
| seriousness of prostitution as an offense
| |
| | justifies their implementation in
|
| relative to other forms of criminality.
| |
| | prostitution specific forms. Indeed, not
|
| How can expansion of prostitution control
| |
| | only is their use justified in the case
|
| efforts be justified in the face of
| |
| | of prostitution, their implementation in
|
| public indifference to prostitution?
| |
| | this context may have the significant
|
| Research on public perceptions of crime
| |
| | benefit of encouraging department or
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| consistently find that the public has
| |
| | agency wide implementation.
|
| only limited interest in the enforcement
| |
| | Another significant objection to
|
| of laws against non-violent, consensual
| |
| | targeting prostitution for control is the
|
| crimes like prostitution and drug use and
| |
| | possibility that such efforts may merely
|
| a high degree of skepticism about the
| |
| | displace the criminal activity to an area
|
| effectiveness of such enforcement
| |
| | not being actively targeted. This
|
| (Roberts and Stalans 1998). Even high
| |
| | displacement can take a number of forms.
|
| profile campaigns, such as the War on
| |
| | Offenders can change locations. They can
|
| Drugs, are viewed with significant
| |
| | change the times of offending and they
|
| cynicism by the public . This general
| |
| | can switch the type of crime they commit
|
| perception is consistent with the
| |
| | (Barr and Pease 1990: 279). Clearly, if
|
| attitudes of a number of the officers
| |
| | enforcement or abatement strategies
|
| surveyed, who ranked prostitution below a
| |
| | result in significant displacement of
|
| wide range of other forms of criminality
| |
| | criminal activity, their effectiveness as
|
| in terms of seriousness of offense. This
| |
| | prostitution control strategies would be
|
| general perception helps explain the
| |
| | significantly limited. While there have
|
| secondary status afforded prostitution
| |
| | been few studies of displacement effects
|
| control efforts by these officers.
| |
| | relative to prostitution control, there
|
| Despite the common perception of
| |
| | is some evidence that such displacement
|
| prostitution’s relative lack of
| |
| | can occur, with unfortunate consequences.
|
| seriousness among the public and even
| |
| | An example of this sort of displacement
|
| among some law enforcement personnel, it
| |
| | is revealed by the shift from
|
| would be incautious to conclude that such
| |
| | prostitution to drug dealing under
|
| a perception should guide policy
| |
| | increased law enforcement pressure
|
| formation. When reminded of the harms
| |
| | (Harris, et al. 1999a: 22). Another study
|
| commonly flowing from prostitution,
| |
| | suggests that displacement can occur
|
| officers initially skeptical of
| |
| | under pressure of police targeting of a
|
| prostitution control efforts typically
| |
| | notorious prostitution market (Mcnamara
|
| revised their assessments. This is
| |
| | 1994). On the other hand, a frequently
|
| consistent with the general recognition
| |
| | cited study found that an increased
|
| that perception is directly correlated
| |
| | police presence and changes to traffic
|
| with the possession of relevant
| |
| | patterns significantly curtailed the
|
| information. Even on the assumption that
| |
| | number and frequency of prostitutes
|
| policy formation should be a direct
| |
| | working the streets in the area, but did
|
| reflection of public sentiment, it seems
| |
| | not displace them to adjacent
|
| fair to assume that a greater exposure to
| |
| | neighborhoods (Matthews 1992). A review
|
| accurate information about the extent and
| |
| | of studies on crime displacement
|
| implications of prostitution would
| |
| | (Hesseling 1995) found significant
|
| strengthen public support for
| |
| | variation in the level of displacement
|
| prostitution control efforts. Personnel
| |
| | detected across studies and
|
| interviewed in the police department of
| |
| | methodologies, ultimately agreeing with
|
| St. Petersburg, FL credit a sustained
| |
| | others (Barr and Pease 1990, Eck 1993)
|
| public information campaign with the rise
| |
| | who have argued that even when
|
| in awareness about the extent and
| |
| | displacement occurs it does not overwhelm
|
| seriousness of the prostitution problem
| |
| | other gains from blocking crime
|
| in the city and the development of the
| |
| | opportunities. Given that displacement
|
| support necessary for their successful
| |
| | does not appear to be inevitable, and
|
| prostitution control efforts (Getz 1996).
| |
| | that in at least some instances it can be
|
| Another objection, one that frequently
| |
| | benign (Barr and Pease 1990: 284ff.),
|
| relies on claims about the perception of
| |
| | concerns over possible displacement do
|
| the relative seriousness of prostitution
| |
| | not pose any substantial burden for
|
| as an offense, highlights the costs of
| |
| | advocates of a range of prostitution
|
| controlling prostitution. These costs are
| |
| | control efforts. Of course, evidence of
|
| not trivial; they include expenditures
| |
| | malign displacement resulting from
|
| for personnel to arrest and adjudicate
| |
| | specific control strategies should be
|
| prostitution offenders, the financial and
| |
| | taken seriously in any review of the
|
| opportunity costs lost to the control of
| |
| | effectiveness of these efforts.
|
| other forms of criminality as a result of
| |
| | On the assumption then that the control
|
| these expenditures, the funds necessary
| |
| | of prostitution is a legitimate social
|
| to support the recommended diversionary
| |
| | end, and that the substantial
|
| and social service mechanisms, and the
| |
| | contravening arguments have been
|
| political, social and financial capital
| |
| | sufficiently answered, The Commission
|
| required to educate the public about the
| |
| | recommends the adoption of a
|
| problem and generate the required public
| |
| | multi-modality approach to prostitution
|
| and community support. For departments
| |
| | control that includes both the specific
|
| and municipalities working with limited
| |
| | enforcement and abatement strategies
|
| public funds, securing the required
| |
| | recommended below. It is the considered
|
| resources can be difficult. Even if
| |
| | judgment of the Commission, bolstered by
|
| prostitution control is a legitimate
| |
| | the historical ineffectiveness of
|
| public end, this objection asserts,
| |
| | traditional, enforcement centered
|
| limited public funds should be directed
| |
| | approaches, that a commitment to
|
| at more urgent needs. Despite the
| |
| | prostitution control that fails to pursue
|
| appropriateness of concerns over the
| |
| | both enforcement and abatement strategies
|
| costs of prostitution control efforts,
| |
| | has little chance of success, and a
|
| however, they do not amount to a telling
| |
| | significant likelihood of exacerbating
|
| objection to these efforts. Rather, they
| |
| | the very social problems that it seeks to
|
| place a premium on maximizing the
| |
| | reduce. What follows is a discussion of
|
| effectiveness of the control strategies
| |
| | the specific enforcement and abatement
|
| implemented. Obviously, a substantial
| |
| | strategies recommended by the Commission.
|
| prostitution control effort will require
| |
| |
|